By Giulia Dotti Sani, Natalia Soboleva & Carola Natali
Introduction
Mothers across the world continue to bear a disproportionate share of responsibility for childrearing. They are held accountable for their children’s well-being and expected to meet unattainable standards of emotional, physical, and intellectual commitment (Guendouzi, 2006; Rizzo et al., 2013). When mothers perceive themselves as falling short of these idealized expectations, they often experience maternal guilt (Collins, 2021). While fathers also report guilt associated with parenthood, research suggests that their experiences are typically less intense and qualitatively different (Martínez et al., 2011). To reflect the perspectives of both mothers and fathers, this study adopts a broad conceptualization of parental guilt.
Although a rich body of literature explores how maternal guilt shapes women’s professional trajectories, the relationship between parental guilt and fertility intentions remains underexplored. From a rational choice perspective, individuals may revise their fertility plans downward if they feel that the emotional costs of parenthood, particularly the pressure to conform to societal ideals, outweigh its rewards. To test if this is indeed the case, this study analyses the association between parental guilt—both experienced and anticipated—and fertility intentions in Italy. The Italian context offers a particularly relevant setting for this analysis, as it is characterized by one of the lowest fertility rates in Europe (Eurostat, 2025), persistently low levels of female labor force participation (ISTAT, 2020), and a highly unequal distribution of unpaid domestic labor between men and women (Dotti Sani, 2018).
The MatGuilt Survey
The empirical analysis draws on data from the MatGuilt survey, conducted between November 7 and November 25, 2024, using the Computer-Assisted Web Interviewing (CAWI) method administered by Ipsos Srl. The survey is part of a broader research project on parental guilt and family planning.
The analytical sample consists of 2,802 respondents aged 20 to 40. Of these, 49.64% are mothers, 12.42% are fathers, 25.30% are childless women, and 12.63% are childless men.
The dependent variable captures respondents’ fertility intentions through the question: “Do you plan to have (additional) children in the next three years?” Responses are categorized as “Yes,” “No,” or “Don’t know.”
The key independent variables include measures of both experienced and anticipated parental guilt, described in detail below. The analysis also controls for a range of sociodemographic characteristics including age, partnership status, educational attainment, and perceived economic well-being.
Parental guilt – experienced and anticipated
The MatGuilt survey captures multiple dimensions of parental guilt, building on previous research that identifies key aspects of this emotional experience. To measure parental guilt, respondents were presented with a series of statements reflecting feelings of inadequacy, doubt, or failure related to childrearing. They were asked to rate their agreement on a five-point Likert scale, ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree. This approach enables a nuanced assessment of the emotional burden associated with parenting, accounting for both intensity and variation across individuals.
As can be seen from Figure 1, the data indicate that a substantial share of respondents experience guilt across various dimensions of caregiving and self-perception. The distribution patterns in most charts show responses clustered around moderate to high levels of agreement, suggesting that feelings of guilt are widespread and not confined to a small subset of parents.
Notably, parents report varying levels of guilt depending on the specific context. For example, many express strong concern about not being able to care for their children personally, not earning enough money, or not feeling like “good enough” parents. In contrast, they report relatively low levels of guilt for taking time for themselves or for giving their children fast food.
Perhaps unexpectedly, the overall levels of guilt reported by mothers and fathers are remarkably similar. This finding challenges the common assumption that parental guilt is predominantly a maternal experience and calls for further investigation into how gender norms and expectations shape the emotional landscape of parenting for both women and men.
In addition to measuring experienced guilt among parents, the survey also investigates anticipated guilt among childless individuals. The anticipated guilt scale includes key emotional triggers commonly associated with parenthood. Respondents without children were asked to imagine themselves as future mothers or fathers and to reflect on the extent to which they might experience similar feelings of inadequacy or self-doubt.
As shown in Figure 2, anticipated guilt is notably high among childless individuals, with no significant gender differences observed. However, not all dimensions of parental guilt are equally salient. The most prominent concerns center on the fear of not being “good enough” parents, the ability to provide sufficient financial resources, and the challenge of spending enough time with children. In contrast, respondents generally do not report guilt over dedicating time to themselves, suggesting that self-care is not widely perceived as being in conflict with parental responsibilities.
Fertility intentions
Fertility intentions are influenced by a range of factors, including age, partnership status, educational attainment, and economic well-being. Figure 3 highlights the complex relationship between age and fertility intentions. Among parents, the likelihood of planning additional children declines with age—likely reflecting both biological constraints and shifting life priorities. In contrast, among childless men, fertility intentions tend to increase with age, possibly indicating a growing sense of readiness or financial and emotional stability. For childless women, the relationship is non-linear, possibly suggesting that reproductive decision-making is shaped by an interplay of personal aspirations, social expectations, and biological considerations.
Figure 4 illustrates the strong influence of partnership status on fertility intentions. Both partnered women and men are significantly more likely to report plans to have children within the next three years compared to their unpartnered counterparts. This pattern highlights the importance of relationship stability and available support structures in shaping reproductive choices.
Figure 5 shows that the association between educational attainment and fertility intentions varies depending on parental status. Among mothers and fathers, higher levels of education are positively associated with plans to have additional children. This may reflect greater economic stability, increased work flexibility, or better access to resources that support parenting. In contrast, among childless individuals, no significant relationship between education and fertility intentions is observed. This suggests that other factors—such as relationship status, age, or anticipated parental guilt—may play a more central role in shaping the reproductive plans of those who have not yet had children.
Financial stability is strongly associated with fertility intentions (Figure 6). Across all groups, individuals who report being financially better off are more likely to express plans to have children in the future. Economic security provides a crucial foundation for child-rearing, shaping perceptions of readiness and feasibility. In contrast, those facing financial hardship may hesitate to plan for children due to concerns about their ability to provide adequate support and stability.
Fertility intentions and parental guilt
Figure 7 shows the association between fertility intentions and parental guilt (left) and anticipated parental guilt (right). Somewhat counterintuitive, higher levels of parental guilt are associated with greater fertility intentions among fathers, but not among mothers. This surprising finding suggests that, for fathers, guilt may function as a motivational force—potentially reinforcing a desire to be more present or involved through expanding their families. In contrast, maternal fertility intentions appear unaffected by experienced guilt.
Conversely, among childless individuals, anticipated parental guilt is consistently associated with lower fertility intentions. This pattern indicates that concerns about future parental competence may act as a psychological barrier to childbearing, deterring individuals from pursuing parenthood in the first place.
Take-Aways
This research note explores the association between both experienced and anticipated parental guilt and fertility intentions over the next three years among Italians aged 20 to 40. Fertility intentions vary across key sociodemographic factors, including partnership status, age, education, and economic well-being.
Our findings underscore the widespread presence of parental guilt among Italian parents, as well as the relevance of anticipated guilt among childless individuals. Notably, the relationship between guilt and fertility intentions challenges initial expectations. Among fathers, higher levels of guilt are associated with a greater desire to have additional children, while no significant association emerges for mothers. In contrast, anticipated guilt is negatively associated with fertility intentions among non-parents, lending support to the second hypothesis. These patterns suggest that, for parents, feelings of inadequacy may intensify the desire to reaffirm their parental role. For those without children, however, the anticipation of guilt may act as a psychological barrier to parenthood. It is also possible that parents who plan to have more children think more deeply about parenthood and thus report higher levels of guilt.
References
Collins, C. (2021). Is maternal guilt a cross-national experience? Qualitative Sociology, 44, 1–29
Dotti Sani, G. M. (2018). Time Use and Gender Inequality in Italy: An Empirical Analysis of Gender Gaps. Social Indicators Research, 136(2), 587-606.
Eurostat. (2025). Eurostat 2025 release calendar: available now https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/products-eurostat-news/w/wdn-20250102-1?utm_source=chatgpt.com
Guendouzi, J. (2006). “The guilt thing”: Balancing domestic and professional roles. Journal of Marriage and Family, 68(4), 901-909.
ISTAT. (2020). Rapporto annuale 2020 – La situazione del Paese. Istituto Nazionale di Statistica https://www.istat.it/produzione-editoriale/rapporto-annuale-2020-la-situazione-del-paese/?utm_source=chatgpt.com
Martínez, P., Carrasco, M. J., Aza, G., Blanco, A., & Espinar, I. (2011). Family gender role and guilt in Spanish dual-earner families. Sex Roles, 65, 813-826.
Rizzo, K. M., Schiffrin, H. H., & Liss, M. (2013). Insight into the parenthood paradox: Mental health outcomes of intensive mothering. Journal of child and family studies, 22, 614-620.
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